“Brazil is back.” That has been Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva’s refrain for the better part of the last year, with the president deploying the snappy slogan to cast Brazil — and himself — as a leader of the Global South no longer content to abide the world’s outdated workings.
Last year, Lula thwarted the reelection bid of the far-right Jair Bolsonaro, who showed little interest in geopolitics or diplomacy during his four years in office. Lula, by contrast, has crisscrossed the globe and visited 21 countries in recent months, from the United States to China, Italy to India, Argentina to Angola. He has sought to boost Brazil’s cred with each state visit and speech, one multilateral forum after another.
On Tuesday, his address at the U.N. General Assembly marked his return to that rostrum for the first time since 2009, the last year of his previous presidency’s second term.
“Brazil is reencountering itself, the region, the world and multilateralism,” Lula said. “As I never tire of saying, Brazil is back. Our country is back to give our due contribution to face the world’s primary challenges.”
The emerging narrative of Brazil’s active involvement in world affairs also serves to contrast himself with Bolsonaro, who wasn’t seen as a reliable supporter of multilateralism, Oliver Stuenkel, an associate professor of international relations at the Getulio Vargas Foundation, a university in Sao Paulo, said before the speech.
Lula’s election victory last year was the narrowest in Brazil’s modern history, and the danger of fierce polarization in Brazil’s young democracy was evident even after he took office. Bolsonaro supporters stormed the capital in an attempt to oust him from power.
Many thought Lula would need to stay home to focus exclusively on domestic issues and healing a riven society. But he has simultaneously pursued a whirlwind of international touring more typical of a president’s second term.
PUSHING FOR GLOBAL GOVERNANCE — BRAZIL-STYLE
During Lula’s travels, he has pushed for global governance that gives greater heft to the Global South and advocating diminishing the dollar’s dominance in trade. He has made clear that Brazil has no intention of siding with the United States or China, the world’s two largest economies and Brazil’s two biggest trading partners.
And he has refused to join Washington and Western Europe in backing Ukraine’s fight against Russia’s invasion, instead calling for a club of nations to mediate peace talks. After the International Criminal Court issued a warrant for Russian President Vladimir Putin’s arrest, Lula said he would review Brazil’s membership in the court.
Lula’s comments on some of these issues have already raised eyebrows in Washington, or even drawn criticism, and some were present in his speech on Tuesday. A centerpiece of the address was tackling economic inequality, particularly as related to climate change, and he called on rich nations to finally make good on the promise to contribute $100 billion to the developing world.
“That was an ambitious speech that projected Lula as a leader of the Global South. He touched on big issues like climate, inequality, democracy and the war in Ukraine, and appealed to the conscience of the rich world to help solve them,” said Brian Winter, a longtime Brazil expert and vice president of the New York-based Council of the Americas.
When Lula took office in January, some in the Biden administration had expected him to become a staunch ally, but there has been recognition that he is more a partner who, Winter says, “will not fundamentally change his world view.”
Biden and Lula are scheduled to hold a bilateral meeting in New York on Wednesday and participate in an event with labor organizers, U.S. National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan told reporters Friday. Brazilian and American presidents, who speak first and second at the general assembly, also typically meet backstage for a few minutes beforehand. That didn’t occur last year with Bolsonaro in office.
Regarding the Ukraine war, at least, Biden appears to have become more willing to look past differences with complicated allies that he badly needs to keep close for the sake of stability. His pragmatic approach was on display the G20 summit in New Delhi this month in his friendly interactions with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. Those two leaders have not shied from saying no to Biden and have paid little regard when he raises concerns about their human rights records.
Lula’s divergences were on display Tuesday as he denounced Washington’s policy toward Cuba, including embargo, sanctions and inclusion on its list of state sponsors of terrorism. It was an echo of statements Saturday in Havana, where Lula rekindled relations with the Caribbean island.
He likewise visited Venezuela’s Nicolás Maduro in May. There, he said allegations of the country’s authoritarianism stem from a false narrative — despite widespread political arrests and election interference as well as threats to journalists. Some in Washington had initially hoped Lula could be helpful in advancing a shared agenda in Venezuela, Winter said.
