The Aam Aadmi Party has entered the Delhi battleground with its image bruised by corruption allegations and the novelty factor diminished.
Fighting a BJP that is dreaming of capturing power in the capital after a gap of 27 years and a Congress that is seeking to restore its past glory, AAP knows that 2025 is a ‘do or die’ battle and not as easy as it was in 2015 or 2020 when they dusted the opponents to irrelevance. Its campaigner-in-chief Arvind Kejriwal is crisscrossing Delhi, announcing ‘guarantees’, seeking the support of various caste groups, attending campaign rallies and trying to put the BJP on the back foot.
Knowing well that it cannot bank on ‘freebies’ alone, AAP has reached out to new allies – from ‘Sanatan’ practitioners to Sikh Granthis, Jats, Aggarwals, auto-drivers, washer-people, sanitation workers, students, slum-dwellers to RWAs and middle-class – as a dent has appeared in its voter-base.
AAP was in disarray a few months back with its top leaders in jail on corruption charges and doubts lingering in the minds of cadre. Some left for greener pastures while some waited for clouds to clear. In the last four months, it has tried to regain control and stabilise itself, with several manoeuvers.
Kejriwal, who did not vacate his chair while in jail to scuttle the emergence of any other power centre in AAP, quit as chief minister within days of walking free on bail in September, in what was seen as a smart move to deflect any discussion on his continuance.
Atishi was chosen as a “temporary” successor. Minister Kailash Gahlot walked out of AAP accusing Kejriwal of moving away from ideals. One of Kejriwal’s close aides Swati Maliwal fell out of his favour after she warmed up to his opponents following one of his aides allegedly assaulting her.
Unfazed by the setbacks and other leaders found wanting in managing the party’s affairs when he was behind bars, Kejriwal took the command and steered AAP back on track. AAP soon re-energised one lakh office bearers at the grassroots and deployed 5,000-member women squads as a first step.
MLAs were given the task of reaching every voter’s doorstep. AAP became the first to announce candidates after wooing some influential leaders from other parties while benching around two dozen sitting MLAs to minimise anti-incumbency.
As AAP changed gears, its opponents unleashed a campaign centred around ‘Sheesh Mahal’ or lavish spending on refurbishing the chief minister’s official residence and liquor scam.
At the same time, AAP faced a renewed challenge from its I.N.D.I.A. ally Congress with Rahul Gandhi leading the charge to make the Delhi battle a triangular fight. Dalit groups and minorities too have reservations about AAP, which has never shied away from flaunting its Hindutva credentials.
A narrative pushed by the saffron camp that a fresh Kejriwal term would end up as another five years of confrontation with the BJP-led Centre and stagnation of development has also triggered some concerns for the AAP.
At another level, AAP is also sharing its apprehensions about the “manipulation” of electoral devices – it has complained about deletions from electoral rolls and applications for the addition of unprecedented numbers of voters from BJP MPs’ residences.
AAP is leaving no opportunity to attack the BJP – it has picked up Ramesh Bidhuri’s sexist comments, Parvesh Verma’s comments on Punjab registration vehicles, and alleged distribution of cash and articles – while ignoring Congress as an insignificant force in the capital.
With its governance record of 10 years, a slew of new guarantees aimed at Dalits, priests, elderly and youth among others and a carefully crafted victim card, can AAP overcome the BJP’s bid to end its power drought and the Congress’ hope for a resurgence even at the cost of an ally?
